Kamis, 05 November 2026

Why must one work hard? Because good deeds are only realized when put into practice, not merely known

All the aforementioned scholars have demonstrated that having faith means engaging in tangible action. This aligns with the teachings of KH Ahmad Dahlan (Muhammadiyah) to his students. A century ago, at the Langgar Kidul prayer house in Kauman, Yogyakarta, KH Ahmad Dahlan sat cross-legged in a respectful posture. 

A dozen students sat in a circle, facing the Kiai. That evening—much like during previous study sessions—Kiai Dahlan once again taught Surah Al-Ma'un, which, among other things, contains a command to care for orphans and the destitute. Feeling bored by the repetitive lessons, one student gathered the courage to ask, "Kiai, why don't we move on to new material?" The Kiai responded with a question of his own: "Do you truly understand it?" With a firm voice, the student replied, "We have memorized it all, Kiai."



Kiai Dahlan then asked, "If you have memorized it, have you put it into practice?" The student replied, "Don't we recite Surah Al-Ma'un repeatedly—along with Al-Fatihah—during our prayers?" This answer did not satisfy the Kiai. "That is not what I mean. To 'put it into practice' means to actually do it—to carry it out!" Kiai Dahlan emphasized.

At that very moment, Kiai Dahlan instructed his students to go around the village and seek out the poor. Once found, they were to be brought to the students' respective homes. "Give them good soap for bathing! Provide them with clean clothing, food, drink, and a place to sleep!" he commanded. This directive from Kiai Dahlan signifies that Islam is not merely a matter of ritual worship; rather, Islam is about doing, acting, and taking concrete action. ...so that it may be beneficial to oneself and others.

There is no true faith without concrete action, as Abul A’la Maududi once stated. There are two levels of faith: faith as mere profession, and faith as commitment and actualization. The former constitutes a formal, legalistic Islam, while the latter represents true Islam. It is fitting to quote this passage: "When we observe someone who, from morning until evening, reads God’s guidance in the Quran yet never exerts themselves to put it into practice—reciting the name of Allah thousands of times, praying incessantly, and chanting the Quran in a beautiful voice—and we then praise them, saying, 'How obedient and pious this person is,' we have been deceived, for we do not truly understand the meaning of worship."

Long after the work of Weber—who held a pessimistic view of Islam—several writings emerged suggesting the existence of a "Protestant ethic" among Muslims. In Turkey, for instance, a group of successful Muslim entrepreneurs was identified in a particular region; the author of the study termed this phenomenon "Calvinist Islam."

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Great Muslim scholars have opened our eyes and minds to the realization that all knowledge is, in fact, knowledge from Allah


Many modern scientific and technological discoveries were, in truth, discovered long ago by Muslims. This was stated by Prof. Dr. George Saliba—a professor of Arabic and Islamic studies at Columbia University—during a seminar at Government College University (GCU). The scientific development within the Islamic world was the result of social interactions and the political conditions present in Muslim society.

Islamic philosophy fostered scientific inquiry and supported the advancement of various academic disciplines. The Scottish Orientalist William Montgomery Watt noted that the West owes a great debt to Islam for the development of scientific knowledge.

Islam has given rise to far more than just theology; it has fostered a wealth of knowledge and civilization for humanity. As the saying goes, "Islam is indeed much more than a system of theology; it is a complete civilization." Meanwhile, Yusuf al-Qaradawi describes Islam as a religion with universal characteristics—encompassing all forms of human activity (shumuliyatu al-Islam)—with the ultimate goal of being a "mercy to all worlds" (rahmatan lil ‘alamin). Islam has demonstrated that a civilization can yield beneficial and constructive outcomes when it is aligned with religious moral values—values ​​that stem from faith.

Islamic civilization was, in essence, deeply rooted in a spirit of experimentation and observation. Such endeavors can only be pursued by individuals who possess high motivation, discipline, and perseverance, along with a sincere desire to contribute to the progress of global civilization. It was Muslim scholars who pioneered the methods of experimentation and observation—methods that were subsequently adopted and carried forward by the West to this day.

Unfortunately, this illustrious era spanned only from the time of the revelation of the Qur’an until the 13th century CE. It encompassed the period of the Prophet Muhammad, followed by the classical Islamic era—a time marked by the flourishing of Arabic scholarly pursuits, the establishment of educational institutions, the translation of renowned works (notably from Greek) into Arabic, and the development of Islamic pedagogy alongside a cosmopolitan culture.

While these centuries represented a "dark age" for Europe, they were a period of great enlightenment for the civilization of Islam. The civilization built by Islam rested upon three fundamental values: the universal principle that there is no separation between the spiritual and the non-spiritual; the role of faith as a foundation for constructing a civilization that provides enduring benefits and well-being to humanity, transcending time and place; and the emphasis on experimentation and observation—an implementation of the concept of fikr (thought/reflection)—in understanding the phenomena of the natural world.

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Muslim Great Scholars have long demonstrated that tangible contributions constitute true virtuous action (amal)

These Muslim scholars were polymaths, mastering multiple fields of study simultaneously. Among them was Al-Khwarizmi, who excelled in mathematics, astronomy, and geography; Al-Kindi, who was proficient in philosophy, mathematics, medicine, physics, optics, astronomy, and metallurgy; Ibn Sina (Avicenna), who not only possessed deep knowledge in medicine, mathematics, astronomy, and philosophy but also served as a foundational figure in these disciplines; and Ibn Rushd (Averroes), who mastered philosophy, law, medicine, astronomy, and theology.

Many of us may not be aware that the first world map was created by a Muslim. Research reveals that a comprehensive world map, produced in 1513, was compiled by a Muslim navigator named Piri Reis. The map—drawn on a piece of deerskin measuring 90×65 cm—is remarkably complete and detailed. In fact, when compared to modern satellite imagery from space, the shapes depicted are strikingly similar. Piri Reis synthesized maps from travelers of various nations, drawing upon 34 distinct sources: 20 maps dating back to the era of Alexander, 8 maps by Muslim geographers, 4 maps from Portuguese sources, and 1 map attributed to Columbus.

Initially, historians were skeptical about the existence of such a map. Earlier maps typically only depicted the region around the Middle East with any clarity, while other areas—such as the continents of Africa and the Americas—were represented quite differently. It was only when modern satellite imagery was compared with this ancient map—created by a Turkish Muslim—that its remarkable accuracy and intricate detail became undeniable.

In the realm of economics, a book by Schumpeter provides an account of the historical development of global economics. An interesting point is that following the end of the golden age of Greco-Roman civilization in the 8th century AD, very few significant economic ideas or theories emerged. This period lasted until the 13th century, a time marked by the era of St. Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274 AD). Throughout these roughly five centuries, very few economic theories or works were produced by thinkers in the Western world. Schumpeter referred to this as the "Great Gap."

Upon closer examination, this period—often referred to as the "Dark Ages" in the Western world—was a time when the Church restricted the work of scientists and scholars. In stark contrast, this same era marked a "Golden Age" for the Islamic world, a time when numerous Muslim scholars produced significant scientific contributions, including major advancements in the field of economics.

Prominent Muslim economists who produced groundbreaking work include Ibn Taymiyyah, Ibn Rushd, Ibn Khaldun, and Al-Ghazali. Ibn Taymiyyah developed a theory regarding "price volatility"—the fluctuations of market prices—which later served as the foundation for the modern law of supply and demand.

Ibn Rushd introduced a fourth function of money: as a store of purchasing power, emphasizing that consumers can utilize money at any time to acquire the necessities of life. Previously, Aristotle had identified only three functions of money: as a medium of exchange, a unit of account (measure of value), and a reserve for future consumption. Furthermore, Ibn Rushd challenged Aristotle’s theory regarding the value of money, arguing that its value should not be subject to arbitrary change.

Another notable figure, Ibn Khaldun, formulated theories on social and economic development that directly relate to human welfare. Umer Chapra (2000) notes that Ibn Khaldun provided vital insights into economics by highlighting the essential role of the state in social development. Ibn Khaldun argued that the Sharia (Islamic law) cannot be upheld without the involvement of the state or its rulers, while conversely, a state cannot function effectively without the implementation of Sharia. He posited that a state or government cannot operate properly without a khalifah (leader/ruler), and that the survival of such a leader—or indeed of humanity itself—cannot be sustained without the presence of capital or wealth (al-mal). Wealth is generated through significant development (imarat), which cannot take place without justice—a criterion by which God (Allah SWT) will ultimately judge humanity. Consequently, according to Ibn Khaldun, the implementation of Sharia within a state cannot be sustained unless it is grounded in social and economic justice.

Ibn Khaldun is also a seminal figure in the field of sociology. In the libraries of major universities, his work, Al-Muqaddimah, is shelved alongside the writings of other foundational figures in sociology. In certain respects, his ideas parallel those of classical sociologists such as Émile Durkheim. He theorized the developmental stages of human civilization and political systems, the nature and roles of various professions, and the function of trade within a society’s economy.

Another prominent thinker, Al-Ghazali, posited that human needs fall into three categories: primary needs (daruriyyah), secondary needs (hajiyyat), and luxury needs (tahsiniyyat). This theory of a hierarchy of needs was later adopted by William Nassau, who categorized human requirements into basic needs (necessities), secondary needs (decencies), and tertiary needs (luxuries).

Meanwhile, Ibnu Sina—known in the West as Avicenna—was a prominent Muslim scholar in the field of medicine. His magnum opus, The Canon of Medicine (al-Qanun fi al-Tibb), served as a medical textbook in European universities for over five centuries. He was also a geologist. Born in the region of Bukhara, Central Asia, he memorized the Quran by the age of 10 and became a physician by 17. A true polymath, Ibnu Sina also made significant contributions to astronomy, physics, mathematics, chemistry, and even music. In the realm of geology, his findings in mineralogy inspired the principle of superposition, later formulated by the Danish physicist Nicolaus Steno in 1669.

Ibnu Sina frequently corresponded with another great Muslim natural scientist, Al-Biruni. Born in present-day Uzbekistan in 973 CE, Abu Raihan Muhammad Al-Biruni authored over 200 books based on his observations and experiments—a body of work spanning approximately 13,000 folio pages. Historians refer to this golden age of science as the "Age of Al-Biruni." In geology, his most significant contribution was in the field of mineralogy, titled Gems (Kitab al-Jamahir). In it, he described more than 100 minerals, detailing their varieties, origins, characteristics, and economic value.

He also developed a method to accurately determine the specific gravity of 18 important minerals. In the field of geomorphology, Al-Biruni studied the characteristics of the Ganges River, tracing its course from its source in the Himalayas to the Ganges-Brahmaputra Delta on the shores of the Indian Ocean. In the field of paleontology, Al-Biruni observed fossils embedded in rock strata in India and concluded that they were of marine origin—a principle that, in the Western world, would later be attributed to Leonardo da Vinci in the 16th century. Al-Biruni produced a wide array of original works across various disciplines, including geography, cartography, botany, astronomy, physics, mathematics, medicine, sociology, and history. Some historians even regard Al-Biruni as one of the greatest scientists in human history.

His book, India (Kitab al-Hind)—which served as a primary reference for researchers of India for six centuries—was the product of his 20-year residence in the country. It provides an exhaustive and detailed examination of the geography, society, culture, languages, and religions of the Indian people. His profound passion for knowledge is further reflected in his statement: "God is All-Knowing and does not love ignorance." In addition to these scholars, there were many others: Salman al-Farisi, who devised the strategy of using trenches in warfare and developed siege engines; Miqdad ibn Amr, a pioneer of the first modern cavalry units; al-Nadim, a pioneer in the creation of cultural encyclopedias; Ma’mun al-Rashid, who founded the world’s first public library, known as Dar al-Hikmah (House of Wisdom) in Baghdad; and Nizam al-Mulk, who established the Nizamiyyah, considered one of the world’s first modern universities.

There was also al-Ghazali, who pioneered the classification of knowledge based on its social function; al-Kindi, an encyclopedist who authored 270 books; al-Farabi, an expert in music and Greek philosophy; Ibn Tufayl, a physician and philosopher who wrote one of the earliest philosophical novels, Risalat Hayy ibn Yaqzan; and Ibn al-Muqaffa, who authored an encyclopedia on animals. Abu al-Wafa’ advanced the fields of trigonometry and spherical geometry, developing tables for sine and tangent functions and identifying variations in the moon’s motion. Omar Khayyam succeeded in solving cubic and quartic equations using conic sections—a sophisticated application of algebra. Furthermore, the astronomer al-Battani calculated the distance from the Earth to the Sun, developed instruments to measure gravitational force as well as latitude and arcs on a globe with a precision of three decimal places, demonstrated that the Earth rotates on its axis, and measured the Earth’s circumference.

In the field of mining, al-Razi discovered methods for refining crude oil, while the Banu Musa brothers authored Kitab al-Hiyal (The Book of Ingenious Devices), which describes 100 types of machines—including automatic water-tank fillers, water wheels, underground canal systems, metal-processing techniques, mining equipment, safety lamps for mines, and methods for surveying and constructing underground mines.

In the realm of music, al-Mawsili (who passed away in 850 CE) is recognized as an expert in classical music and the foundational principles of music theory.

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Great Islamic scholars have exemplified the true meaning of hard work

 

Following the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Emperor Hirohito asked his aides not how many soldiers had survived, but how many teachers remained. We can subsequently observe the fantastic progress Japan achieved in a remarkably short span of time—a testament to how deeply they value teachers and knowledge. The quality of a nation is measured by its ability to apply knowledge—to harness it in managing the natural world to create greater utility and value. This is the primary indicator of a civilization.

While some today may tend to interpret "knowledge" solely as religious knowledge, Muslim scholars of the past broke through such rigid constraints through tangible, practical work. There is no prohibition against studying any field of knowledge, with the exception of sorcery. There are no restrictions on whom one may learn from; the Prophet Muhammad once instructed a companion to learn the language of the Jewish people (Hebrew)—with a Jewish person serving as the teacher. All knowledge originates from God. To truly be a "blessing to all worlds" (rahmatan lil alamin), Muslims must master all forms of knowledge.

Islam explicitly states that those who perish while on the path to seeking knowledge may be considered martyrs (syahid). Those who possess knowledge are elevated in rank, alongside those who believe (Surah Al-Mujadilah: 11). The injunction to "seek knowledge, even as far as China" clearly refers not to religious studies, but to other fields—such as practical skills, social organization, statecraft, and the sciences of health and medicine.

The way in which Muslims have interpreted the concept of knowledge, the mandate to acquire it, and the pursuit of its advancement has been demonstrated by the generations that came before us. This imperative gave rise to a multitude of Muslim experts across various scientific disciplines, whose contributions laid the foundational knowledge upon which modern sciences are built.

Dr. Fuat Sezgin, Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science, Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, Frankfurt, Germany The brilliance of Islamic scholars centuries ago was truly invaluable. Europeans learned various branches of knowledge from these experts.

In the field of medicine, there was Muhammad bin Zakaria—known as Al-Razi—an Iranian-born scholar who pioneered techniques for suturing wounds and was the first to distinguish between smallpox and measles. Among his most renowned students was Ibn Sina (Avicenna).

In the realm of education, there was Al-Amidi, the inventor of a Braille-like system. While the world may recognize only Louis Braille (1809–1852) as the creator of a writing system for the visually impaired, 600 years earlier, Professor Ali ibn Ahmed ibn Yusuf ibn al-Khizr al-Amidi had already pioneered such a system. Born blind, he did not let this limitation dampen his passion for learning and the pursuit of knowledge; the Syrian scholar became celebrated as an expert in law and foreign languages. Unfortunately, Al-Amidi’s achievements appear to have been lost amidst the turmoil that swept through Iraq in 1401 AD, when the city of Baghdad was destroyed by invading forces.

In the field of mathematics—specifically regarding algorithms—the term "algorism" originally referred to the method used by those who calculated with Arabic numerals; such a person was known as an "algorist." Historians of mathematics have traced the origin of this term to the name of a renowned author of Arabic texts, Abu Abdullah Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi (770–840 AD). In Western literature, this mathematician from Uzbekistan is more commonly referred to by the name "Algorism." Al-Khwarizmi also pioneered several branches of study, including astronomy and geography. The theory of algebra is likewise a product of his intellect; the term "algebra" is derived from the title of his famous book, Al-Jabr wa al-Muqabala. He developed detailed trigonometric tables—incorporating sine, cosine, and cotangent functions—as well as concepts related to differentiation.

He employed a systematic and logical approach, synthesizing knowledge from Greek and Hindu traditions with his own original ideas to advance the field of mathematics. Al-Khwarizmi adopted the use of zero in arithmetic and the decimal system. Furthermore, he also made significant contributions to the creation of world maps.

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For the essence of life is movement, and the essence of worship in Islam is likewise MOVEMENT

The world lives because of the movement of everything within it—not merely any movement, but movement that involves sweat and strenuous effort. Ali Shari’ati—a scholar with a doctorate in sociology and philosophy from France, who was active in the Iranian revolutionary movement of the 1970s—explored why hijrah (migration) is so significant. Why does the Islamic calendar begin with the Prophet’s hijrah rather than his birth? As it turns out, hijrah—relocation or migration—is not merely a geographical or political phenomenon; sociologically, it is a fundamental driver of civilizational progress. Every advancement in civilization, from Sumeria to America, has been initiated by an act of hijrah. Conversely, no society that remained sedentary—never migrating—has ever achieved significant civilizational progress. Furthermore, those who frequently migrate, travel, or venture into the unknown are often recognized and valued; consider, for instance, how the English language came to be a global language.

Many observers have noted that we—and Eastern societies in general—may have a cultural aversion to hard work. This is reflected in our language. In one of his writings, linguist Samsudin Berlian points out that while English speakers use the word "runs" to describe something in operation, we tend to use the word "walking" . For example, the phrase "she runs for election" describes a candidate who must work incredibly hard to win. "Run" implies something active, functional, impactful, and effective—as in "the system is running," which suggests that the system is yielding results. All of this demands hard work, as "running" is clearly a more intense, strenuous activity—one that leaves a person sweating and out of breath.

In a similar vein, we often observe the word "work" being used quite broadly to cover a variety of situations; a university student, for instance, might say, "I must go to work," when heading to campus.

Our fascination with Western culture—which is indeed more profound in many respects—has been discussed extensively. Consider a letter written by Sutan Sjahrir to his wife from Banda Neira on December 31, 1936: "To me, the 'West' signifies a vibrant life—a life that presses forward, a dynamic existence. That is the Faustian spirit—a quality I admire—and I am convinced that only the West—in this sense—can liberate the East from its state of bondage."

In this sense, "the West" is, more or less, capitalism in its essential spirit. Max Weber identified this spirit as consisting of hard work, thriftiness, and the deferment of gratification. Time is money; one should work diligently, practice frugality, be punctual, act fairly, and view the pursuit of money as a legitimate goal in itself. It is also considered valid to accumulate profit in a rational and systematic manner. This spirit originated from Calvinism. It is important to distinguish, however, that while the spirit of capitalism is acknowledged to have stemmed from Calvinism, the structure of capitalism itself did not.

Calvinism was responsible only for the early stages of capitalism; thereafter, capitalism followed its own path. Some argue that capitalism is, in fact, an unintended consequence of the Protestant Ethic. According to Weber, the Protestant system of ideas gave rise to a unique outcome in the West: the rationalization of the economic sector and other institutions. Conversely, religious systems outside the West created structural obstacles to such rationalization.

The "worldly asceticism" of Calvinism does not reject the world. This doctrine mandates hard work as a means to discover salvation—or, at the very least, the signs thereof. Adherents "renounce the world" by mastering it. Work is not an end in itself, but an ethical duty. Unceasing, continuous, and systematic labor within one’s worldly vocation serves as the ultimate instrument for achieving asceticism. This stands in contrast to "otherworldly asceticism," which entails abandoning the secular world by suppressing one’s desires.

What, then, of our own situation? In the mid-1970s, Koentjaraningrat wrote a popular account regarding certain mental attitudes prevalent among the Indonesian people. One such trait is the tendency to take shortcuts—an inclination to reach a goal as quickly as possible rather than progressing step by step. Other characteristics include a lack of discipline, a lack of a sense of responsibility, and a tendency to break promises. A decade later, in a lecture at Taman Ismail Marzuki, Mochtar Lubis observed that the Indonesian character often lacks discipline and a sense of responsibility, and is devoid of any feeling of remorse or shame when committing a wrongdoing. Lubis further characterized this disposition as hypocritical, authoritarian, egoistic, materialistic, and opportunistic—noting a tendency to prioritize prestige over genuine achievement.

This appears to stem from a culturally ingrained vertical orientation; people work primarily to satisfy those "above" them. There is a low level of trust and mutual oversight among citizens. This reflects a "loose" cultural structure—one that lacks the norms and mechanisms necessary to govern horizontal social relations and facilitate mutual accountability.

However, other experts are not as gloomy. Alatas, professor of sociology at the National University of Singapore, in the book "The Myth of the Lazy Native" which examines Javanese, Malays and Filipinos in the era of colonial capitalism from the 16th to 20th centuries; called this just a myth that was deliberately brought to life by the colonialists. The myth that we are lazy was spread by colonialists throughout Europe. The native people of these three colonies were described as slow, stupid, backward, fraudulent, with no more intelligence than children aged 12-14 in Europe. This image was presented in the writings of authors, administrators, and visitors among the colonialists continuously, so that it became a myth in Europe. This behavior is actually a reflection of the arrogant attitude and self-perception of the colonialists as a superior race over the natives. Furthermore, this myth is needed to legitimize the politics of forced labor, forced selling and forced cultivation that they apply to the natives in their respective lands.

The colonialists did not try to see the fact that the natives naturally worked hard when they were in a situation that they felt was just and full of humanity. This indifferent attitude towards their coercive system was a way of protesting on the part of the native people. Unfortunately, this negative image of indigenous people is also reinforced by the local elite. Finally, foreign colonial rulers and native rulers acted arbitrarily against the people based on the assumption that native people were lazy and did not like to work. This myth also persisted in the post-independence era.

In 1971, UMNO published the brochure "Mental Revolution" to distribute to its members. The brochure’s content urged its readers to alter their ways of thinking and their attitudes to better align with the changing times. According to this UMNO party brochure, the Malay community lacked the courage to fight for the truth; they were characterized as fatalistic, irrational, prone to acting on emotion, undisciplined, unreliable regarding promises or time, and driven by a desire for quick wealth without putting in the necessary effort—among other traits. This "myth of the lazy native," as Alatas noted, appears to persist even today—both in Europe and within our own society.

Such behavior by European scholars has been sharply criticized by postcolonial thinkers. One prominent figure among them is Edward Said, a Palestinian-born philosopher (1935–2003) and a pioneer in the field of postcolonial studies. In his work Orientalism, Said—drawing upon the approach of Michel Foucault—deconstructs the Western worldview regarding the East, revealing it to be rooted in a persistent drive for domination and oppression. The West has consistently viewed the East as inferior, positing that it must be transformed to resemble the "more advanced" West. This same logic underpins the spirit of developmentalism.

According to postcolonial theorists, the "East" as known to the world is merely a representation—a construct—presented by the West. Through writings, novels, literary works, academic research, and travelogues, the East has been turned into an object of interpretation, study, exploration, and description by Western authors. Because the East is a product of representation, this constructed "Orient" is not the "real Orient." Instead, it is an entity shaped by the viewpoints, perspectives, consciousness, and ideological biases of Western observers or readers. This particular form of knowledge is produced, disseminated, and sustained through institutions such as schools, books, libraries, cultural products, and government apparatuses.

Once knowledge about the East was produced by Orientalists, it was promptly affirmed and reinforced by the colonial administration, effectively becoming accepted as "fact." According to Said, Orientalism is a political doctrine directed toward the Orient. The Orient is presented—or represented—as possessing traits such as being despotic, sensual, passive, backward, and characterized by a deviant mentality, among others. This perspective has been institutionalized since the 18th century as an established truth. Consequently, European observers have tended to be racist, imperialist, and ethnocentric in their approach to the Orient.

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In the context of DAKWAH (teaching / propagating the faith), “Wali Songo” (the saints) also taught farming and various practical skills


In Indonesia, the “Wali Songo” are known for their cultural approach to dakwah (the propagation of Islam), rather than one based on conquest. Although they did not all live at the exact same time, they were connected through blood ties or teacher-student relationships. Maulana Malik Ibrahim was the eldest among them; Sunan Ampel was his son, while Sunan Giri was his nephew.

These saints carried out their dakwah along the northern coast of Java from the early 15th century to the mid-16th century. They were intellectuals who acted as social reformers, introducing new elements of civilization—ranging from healthcare, agriculture, and commerce to culture, the arts, social organization, and governance.

In terms of economic activity, when Maulana Malik Ibrahim first arrived in the region around Gresik, he began by opening a small shop (warung). The shop provided basic necessities at affordable prices. Furthermore, he offered free medical treatment to the local people and taught them agricultural techniques. He sought to embrace the marginalized segments of society—those who, under the Hindu caste system of the time, had been cast aside.

Sunan Giri transformed his pesantren (Islamic boarding school) into more than just a place for formal education; it served as a hub for community development. Meanwhile, Sunan Bonang was known for his skill in locating water sources in arid areas. He also innovated Javanese gamelan music by introducing new nuances, specifically through the addition of the bonang instrument. The well-known song "Tombo Ati" is one of his compositions.

Much like Maulana Malik Ibrahim, Sunan Drajat was known for his humble nature and his willingness to help others. At his pesantren, he provided care for many orphans and the destitute. One of his pieces of advice was: "Give a walking stick to the blind, feed the hungry, and clothe the naked."

Sunan Muria preferred to reside in highly remote areas, far from city centers, to propagate Islam. He mingled with the common people, teaching them skills in agriculture, trade, and seafaring. Known for his adeptness at conflict resolution, he once served as a mediator during internal strife within the Demak Sultanate (1518–1530). Meanwhile, Sunan Gunung Jati—by virtue of his royal lineage—directly governed his territory. In his efforts to spread the faith, he engaged with the populace by developing infrastructure, such as roads connecting various regions.

Although the Wali (saints) did not all live during the same era, their selection of regions for dakwah (missionary work) was guided by geostrategic considerations relevant to their times. They often established themselves in port cities or trading hubs; in this sense, they could be described as "traders who spread Islam." They did not withdraw from society to lead lives of ascetic seclusion; rather, they were deeply engaged in the economy, tangible social work, governance, and the arts.

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The Preachers who brought Islam to Indonesia and Southeast Asia were also highly skilled merchants

In school, we learned that merchants—both those from abroad and local traders—played a crucial role in the spread of Islam in Indonesia. Muslim merchants arrived and conducted trade at commercial hubs along the coast. At the time, Malacca served as a transit point for traders, as did other ports in the vicinity, such as Perlak and Samudra Pasai. These merchants would stay in these locations for extended periods, waiting for the seasonal monsoon winds. During these waiting periods, interaction occurred among traders of various nationalities, as well as between the merchants and the local population. This led to an exchange of customs, cultures, and even religions. Beyond mere commerce, assimilation also took place through intermarriage. Among these traders were individuals from Arabia, Persia, and Gujarat, most of whom were Muslim. Consequently, settlements of Muslim merchants began to develop along the coastal regions.

These ports served as gateways and centers for the dissemination of Islam throughout Indonesia. This explains why the geographical locations of the capitals of various Islamic kingdoms were generally situated along the coast or at river mouths—notably the kingdoms of Perlak, Samudra Pasai, Palembang, Banten, Sunda Kelapa, Cirebon, Demak, Jepara, Tuban, Gresik, Banjarmasin, Gowa, Ternate, and Tidore.

Historical records indicate that, as early as the beginning of the Common Era, merchants from India and China had established trade relations with the people of Indonesia. Many historians believe that Islam first entered Indonesia in the 7th century, a theory supported by Chinese accounts from the Tang Dynasty. These records note the existence of a settlement of Arab Muslim merchants in the village of Baros, located on the west coast of North Sumatra. The 13th century, meanwhile, marks a period when Islam further developed alongside the rise of various Islamic kingdoms across Indonesia. This view is based on the travel accounts of Marco Polo, who noted that he stopped in Perlak in 1292 and encountered people who had already embraced Islam. Further evidence supporting this perspective is the discovery of the gravestone of Sultan Malik al-Saleh, the ruler of the Samudra Pasai Kingdom, which bears the date 1297 AD.


Tracing the spread from west to east, Islam first arrived in Perlak, in the northern part of Sumatra, before extending to the Samudra Pasai Kingdom. In Java, Islam entered via the island's northern coast.

Historians have critically examined the process and the agents behind the arrival of Islam in Indonesia, leading to the development of two distinct perspectives: Eurocentrism and Indocentrism.

There are various theories regarding the initial arrival of Islam in Indonesia, with some suggesting the 7th, 11th, or 13th centuries. Proponents of the 7th-century theory point to the travelogues of Al-Mas’udi, which state that in 675 AD, an envoy from an Arab Muslim king visited the Kingdom of Kalingga. It is also noted that by 648 AD, an Arab Muslim colony already existed on the east coast of Sumatra. One scholar asserts that Muslims were present in the Malay-Indonesian archipelago as early as 672 AD. In a lecture paper on the relationship between Islam in India and Indonesia, Prof. S. Muhammad Huseyn Nainar stated that Indian Muslims had established connections with Muslims in Indonesia by 687 AD.

Those who argue for an 11th-century arrival cite the tomb of Fatimah binti Maimun and her entourage, which bears an inscription in the Arabic *Riq’ah* script dated 1082 AD. Meanwhile, those who favor the 13th century rely on the travel accounts of Marco Polo, as well as the writings of K.F.H. van Langen, J.P. Moquette, R.A. Kern, C. Snouck Hurgronje, and Schrieke—pointing to the established presence of several Islamic kingdoms in the Indonesian region.

Regarding its origins, some suggest it came from India, China, or Arabia. A seminar held in Medan in March 1963, for instance, concluded that Islam arrived in Indonesia directly from Arabia. As for who brought it, most historians agree that it was traders. This is based on the fact that, even before the advent of Islam, regions such as Aceh and Sumatra already maintained trade relations with Arabia, Persia, India, and China. Traders from Gujarat (India) are believed to have spread the faith, a theory supported by evidence such as tombstones carved in the Gujarati style and the presence of an Indo-Islamic cultural influence. Persian traders left their mark, evidenced by the use of the title "Shah" for Indonesian monarchs, the influence of the "Wahdat al-Wujud" (Unity of Existence) school of thought—associated with figures like Syekh Siti Jenar—and the presence of Shia traditions (such as the tabut processions commemorating Hasan and Husayn).

Another perspective, known as the "Mecca Theory," posits that Islam arrived in Indonesia directly from the Middle East, brought by Arab Muslim traders around the 7th century CE. This is supported by the fact that many Arab merchants settled along the coasts of the Indonesian archipelago. In 916 CE, Al-Mas'udi encountered Arab communities from Oman, Hadhramaut, Basra, and Bahrain in Sumatra, Java, and Malacca. The emergence of "Arab Quarters" (Kampong Arab) and the integration of Arab traditions into local society are also considered strong evidence.

Meanwhile, the role of Chinese traders is evidenced by the activities of Chinese merchants and naval figures—such as Ma Huan and Admiral Zheng He (Cheng Ho)—who introduced Islam along the coasts and into the interiors of Java and Sumatra. Supporting evidence includes the Gedung Batu in Semarang—a mosque featuring Chinese-style architecture—as well as the graves of Chinese Muslims and the possibility that some of the Wali Songo (the nine saints of Javanese Islam) were of Chinese descent.

The presence of Chinese Muslims during the early development of Islam in Java is supported not only by the accounts of foreign travelers, Chinese records, local Javanese texts, and oral traditions, but also by various Islamic archaeological remains found in Java. This suggests a significant Chinese influence, leading to the hypothesis that, throughout the 15th and 16th centuries, a distinct "Sino-Javanese Muslim culture" had taken shape.

The stone carvings at the ancient Mantingan Mosque in Jepara, the minaret of the old Chinese-style mosque in Banten, the construction of the gateway to the tomb of Sunan Giri in Gresik, the architecture of the Cirebon palaces and the Sunyaragi garden, the structural design of the Demak Mosque—specifically its soko tatal (composite wooden pillars) and the turtle motif—as well as the construction of the Sekayu Mosque in Semarang, all exhibit a significant Chinese cultural influence. Further evidence can be found in two grand mosques in Jakarta: the Kali Angke Mosque, associated with Gouw Tjay, and the Kebun Jeruk Mosque, established by Tamien Dosol Seeng and Nyonya Cai.

Deeper investigation reveals that the names of historical figures underwent a process of linguistic transformation (verbastering) from Chinese to Javanese. For instance, the name Bong Ping Nang eventually became known as Bonang. Raden Fatah, who bore the epithet Prince Jin Bun—which in Chinese means "the valiant one"—is another example. The name Raden Sahid (an alias for Sunan Kalijaga) is derived from the terms "sa" (three) and "it" (one)—collectively "31"—commemorating his birth at the time his father was 31 years old.

Historians who question the contribution of Chinese Muslims to the Islamization of Java often point to the fact that the religious tradition introduced and fostered by these Chinese Muslims was the Hanafi school, which is characterized by a rationalistic approach. In contrast, the majority of Muslims in Indonesia follow the Shafi'i school. The most plausible explanation for this phenomenon is that some Muslims transitioned from the Hanafi to the Shafi'i school. This shift was driven by the sociological realities of Javanese society, which were not conducive to the cultivation of the rationalistic Hanafi school. Conversely, the Shafi'i school was deemed more compatible with the ethos of Javanese culture, which is inextricably linked to local traditions.

In a different context, the role of local merchants in the development of Islam can be seen in the organization known as the Islamic Trade Union (Serikat Dagang Islam, or SDI)—which later evolved into the Islamic Union (Sarekat Islam, or SI). Due to the strong dominance of overseas Chinese merchants—who, among other things, controlled the sale of batik materials—indigenous batik traders felt marginalized and disadvantaged. To address this, in 1911, batik merchants in Solo, under the leadership of H. Samanhudi, established the SDI (Serikat Dagang Islam / Islamic Trade Union)).

Its objectives were to promote trade, oppose the monopolies held by Chinese merchants, and advance the Islamic faith. The organization grew rapidly, driven by its nationalist and religious character, while also directly strengthening economic networks. The groundwork for this organization had been laid as early as 1909, with the aim of uniting Muslim merchants so they could compete with foreign traders, such as those from China, India, and the Arab world. The organization eventually weakened after it was infiltrated and began to engage in politics.

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Because Allah's Prophet (Rasul) had to do real work in taking care of the ummah

The prophets did not reside in palaces or ivory towers; instead,

they descended and became directly involved within their communities.


All Prophets had to work hard to build their society. Allah doesn't just make it easy, although of course Allah can do it. Allah does not make the people immediately obey and accept whatever the Prophets and Apostles convey. See Prophet Musa AS who was full of extraordinary struggles to build the people of the Children of Israel, emigrated to meet Prophet Shuaib AS, faced Pharaoh, led the massive rescue of the Children of Israel from Egypt to Palestine which took decades.

Likewise, the Prophet Muhammad SAW, who during both the Mecca and Medina periods always had to work hard to preach Islam. At all times you have to be among the people to develop your mentality, form cadres, build networks, lead wars, organize strategies, make negotiations, and so on. To carry out his apostolic duties, it is not enough for him to just perform dhikr in the mosque, even though his dhikr and prayer are very special. It is not enough just advice, guidance, and direction; often must be guided and exemplified.

 

Because taking care of the community does not get paid.

The Prophet Muhammad SAW laid down rules for state officials. A caliph does not receive a salary, but receives an allowance of 2 dirhams per day. Another provision was that an official could not use a Turkish horse, which was the best vehicle at that time. Officials cannot wear thin clothes because it is a symbol of luxury, they cannot eat fine flour, they cannot place guards in front of the house which they fear will become a barrier to their people.

Not a single Prophet made their missionary task a means of earning a living. Their reward is from Allah. See the story of the Prophet Nuh AS in Surah Huud verse 29, as well as in Surah Asy Syu'araa' verses 109, 127, 145, 164, and 180; There is a consistent statement from the Prophets Noah, Hud, Salih, Lot, and Shu'ayb: they did not seek any compensation for their proselytizing efforts.

Regarding the practice of making religious lecturing a profession, there are varying perspectives; some consider it permissible, while others view it as inappropriate. If lecturing is understood as a form of teaching—much like the role of a schoolteacher—it is an entirely reasonable profession. During the time of the Prophet, an individual who could teach ten others how to read and write was considered to have provided a significant service, worthy of a substantial reward. In fact, prisoners of war from the Battle of Badr (who were non-Muslims) were granted their freedom if they could teach others how to read and write.

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The Messenger also worked to provide for his family

The Messenger of Allah (peace be upon him) and his companions were people who valued work. Beyond his efforts for the sake of his community, he would personally mend and stitch his own sandals, patch his own garments, milk his own goats, and attend to his family’s needs. At times, the Prophet would even help with household chores, assisting his wives. They set a noble example of how to strike a balance between the pursuit and dissemination of knowledge and the act of earning a livelihood. The Prophets and Messengers worked to sustain their mission (da'wah). Engaging in trade, agriculture, or animal husbandry to earn a living was never seen as beneath their dignity, nor did it diminish the quality of their tawakkal (reliance upon Allah).

Islamic scholars, too, were known for their diligence and perseverance in their work, while remaining steadfast and resilient in their pursuit of knowledge and the propagation of the faith. During his time as Caliph, Abu Bakr would head to the marketplace every morning, carrying garments to sell. When he encountered Umar and Ubaidah ibn al-Jarrah, they asked him, "How can you engage in trade while serving as the leader of the Muslims?" Abu Bakr replied, "How else am I to provide for my family?" This was despite the fact that, like Umar, Abu Bakr was entitled to a share from the Baitul Mal (public treasury).


The Prophet’s family also engaged in work.

Fatimah al-Zahra—the Prophet’s Muhammad daughter—once found herself without grain, while her children were hungry and unwell. She sought out a shopkeeper and secured work grinding grain into flour, which she then used to make bread for herself and her children.

During the time of the Prophet Muhammad, women were permitted to participate and be active in the public sphere. Khadijah (the Prophet’s wife) and Qailah Umm Bani Ahmar, for instance, were both known as successful entrepreneurs. Furthermore, there was al-Shifa, a woman appointed by Caliph Umar to serve as a manager overseeing the marketplace in Medina. Other women, such as Umm Salamah (a wife of the Prophet), Safiyyah, Laila al-Gaffariyah, and Umm Sinam, are recorded as having served as humanitarian volunteers on the battlefield.

Regarding domestic labor, for instance, Zainab worked as a tanner. Fatimah al-Zahra, the Prophet’s daughter, undertook demanding tasks at home; she prepared bread from scratch, ranging from grinding the grain to baking the loaves. Asma binti Abi Bakr assisted her husband by feeding his horses and carrying water to their garden—a journey of approximately five kilometers on foot. The Prophet was aware of this and did not forbid it.

One hadith recounts the words: “O Khadijah, the time for sleep and rest has passed.” Indeed, the mission of prophethood was an arduous undertaking, yet Khadijah provided constant support by standing by the Prophet’s side and offering motivation. The members of the Prophet’s family contributed not only to the household economy but also to the propagation of the faith (da'wah).

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The Messenger of Allah (Rasul) also worked like ordinary people

We have often heard the stories detailing the complex journeys of the Prophet / Messenger as they developed the religion revealed to them. We have known these accounts since childhood, and they continue to be recounted in various sermons and religious celebrations. Their struggle was truly immense—the challenges they faced were far from ordinary; they were formidable.

Yet, little is said about how the Prophets sustained their economic lives. Like any other human being, they required food, clothing, and shelter. These necessities did not simply appear for them, as divine revelation did; rather, the Prophets and Prophet had to work to obtain them—just as any other person would. A hadit states: "God has never appointed a Prophet who did not, at some point, herd sheep or goats."

Because the Prophets—like anyone else—would grow hungry without food, thirsty without drink, and cold without sufficient clothing, they had to dedicate time, exert effort, and break a sweat. Their endeavors were not guaranteed immediate success; there was effort, seriousness, and the inherent risk of failure. Furthermore, beyond providing for themselves, the Prophets and Prophet also had to support their families.

This section highlights the fact that the Prophet, too, had to work. Fulfilling the duties of conveying divine revelation, upholding God’s religion, and guiding the community did not necessitate abandoning their economic lives. In fact, this approach—engaging in economic activity while simultaneously propagating and developing the faith—was a lifestyle adopted by many of the preachers who brought Islam to the Indonesian archipelago. They were merchants, preachers, and religious teachers all at once. This was also the path followed by the Wali Songo (the Nine Saints) in Indonesia. Their economic pursuits were not driven solely by profit, but were oriented toward dakwah (the propagation of the faith). Engaging in ethical and profitable economic activity was, in itself, a lesson they imparted to the people of their time. My friend, is this not reason enough for you?

Yes, The Messengers also Worked for Their Livelihood

Throughout history, the Prophets worked just like ordinary human beings to sustain themselves. Surah Al-Furqan, verse 20, states: "And We did not send before you (Muhammad) any messengers except that they ate food and walked in the marketplaces." A marketplace is a place where people of various characters gather—ranging from the best to the worst. Thus, in conducting their economic activities, the Messengers of Allah mingled and interacted with all types of people, without discrimination.

They were not reclusive spiritual figures living in an "ivory tower." The Prophets engaged in real work and trade. Prophet Moses (Musa) worked for Prophet Jethro (Shuaib); Prophet David (Dawud) was a craftsman who made armor; Prophet Joseph (Yusuf) served as a warehouse overseer; Prophet Zechariah (Zakariya) was a carpenter; and Prophet Enoch (Idris) was a tailor.

Prophet Abraham (Ibrahim), who possessed the skill to craft statues—much like his father—focused instead on producing earthenware for household use. Meanwhile, Prophet Moses was a skilled builder who designed and oversaw several monumental construction projects in Egypt. Due to his nomadic lifestyle, Moses often shifted between professions to support himself. Similarly, Prophet Jesus (Isa)—who was appointed as a Prophet at the age of 30 and passed away just three years later—is often depicted in Christian iconography as a shepherd tending to a flock. Some accounts also suggest that Jesus worked as a carpenter, following in his father’s trade.

The Prophets worked because they refused to exploit their status or rely on their followers for their own sustenance. They engaged in various forms of labor, utilizing their manual skills and other abilities. As it is said: "No one has ever consumed food better than that which is earned through the work of one's own hands. Indeed, the Prophet of Allah, David (Dawud), used to eat from the earnings of his own hands." Prophet David AS earned his living from the work of his own hands as a blacksmith. He makes armor and other things, then sells them at the market to support himself and his family from the proceeds.

One day, Prophet Sulaiman AS asked Allah SWT to show him a servant who was more grateful than himself. Allah then sent Gabriel to teach Solomon how to plate jewelry with gold, and he made them on axes, then sold them. Thus, the first person to make decorations with gold gilding was Prophet Sulaiman AS.

When he was young, Rasulullah SAW was a very active worker. He sells services as a goat herder for other people. The Prophet raised goats very productively. He also sold Khadijah's merchandise to Syria, and received a share of the profits. The Quraysh nation was famous for being skilled at trading. In winter they go to Yemen, and in summer to Sham (Syria). They are not a lazy nation. Abdullah, for example, the Prophet's father, fell ill and died on his business trip home from Syria.

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